2. The second (and perhaps just as significant) problem has been our failure to appreciate elites in Czech society. But the political elite would be less contentious if it were a well-functioning, competent, skilled, morally apt, and responsible elite. If so, the (relatively) new democratic political elite would be in sync with the other elite groups in economic, cultural, and administrative spheres of society. The relations between the power elites would be obvious and understandable, and communication between elite groups would be a vital source of informal social control. Instead, Czech elites are fragmented. History, which has not been exactly kind to our elites, has influenced this fragmentation to a great deal. If we were to look for the root of our contemporary problems, we would often refer to the “failure of the elites.”
3. If I am to proceed from the general to the concrete, I must mention the question of values. Research shows that our society is rather materialistic. Spiritual values lose out to our narrow perception of living standards and consumerism. This is not only related to the high level of secularization within our society, but also generally to the lack of trust in a better future and for sustainable development. It seems we are resigned to believe that everything is just temporary.
A feeling towards generational transcendence, and by that I mean better lives for our children, does not even motivate the Czech people under the current dissolution of family ties. This has clear effects on politics too: while we can now manage the technocratic, operational aspect of government (supply, services, standard operations), we grossly underestimate the symbolic aspect (faith in the future, ideals). An ordinary American’s eyes mist when he/she listens to a speech given by the American president; our cynical citizens roll their eyes and sneer. It should, however, be noted that research reveals that an increasing number of people are beginning to realize this deficit.
4. As a former judge of the Czech Constitutional Court, the late Vojtěch Cepl pointed out that general disrespect for the rules of the game is also connected with values. We should contextualize this notion as a significant aspect of our value system, as something which is the core of our national identity. The rules of the game should not be considered maintenance measures for the partial restoration of balance, which we lightheartedly permit in our lives. They must be clear, comprehensible, and common sense. Only comprehensible rules of the game can have motivational value.
Where is our connection to politics? What value does the legislative process have when members of parliament are lost in preambles and supplementary propositions? (In Britain, when they try really hard, the parliament manages “up to four” votes per day. And just in case someone is interested, he/she can read the printed version of the day’s sessions on the next day). It is not therefore surprising that people rate parliament and the judiciary poorly in opinion polls.
5. A large problem in Czech society is the dissolution of local communities, of cohesive local social circles. This is evident in the newly built “satellite colonies” which have sprung up around large cities where locals mix with new “city drifters.” The collapse of communities is, of course, a result of Bolshevism, but also of an ill-conceived tax policy (tax determination, tax assignation), underestimated development of civil society, and poor emphasis on corporate social responsibility. Why is it that social cohesion (what’s known in Brussels as cohesion-inclusion empowerment) is incomprehensible for most Czech politicians? It is not just a local question; it is also a communal, national, and state question.
6. With regard to civil society, are our political parties a part of civil society or not? The answer is yes if they were mass parties, but they’re not; they function more like electoral parties. Let us be serious. It is not amusing when a very small party manipulates primary elections by “hiring” a couple dozen members. Our parties are not full-blooded political institutions which manage relationships from the bottom-up; it’s the other way around, from top to bottom. While “ordinary political careers,” which start at the communal and regional level and lead to the top, are also less and less common in contemporary Western democracies, they are even more of a rarity in Czech society. Instead, what prevails is that a short stint as the minister’s secretary leads to becoming the minister. The circulation of elites (the supply of fresh political talent and the departure of tired, used up talent) is pathetic. Instead we fortify positions: political parties act as agencies for individual politicians. It is not surprising that political parties and their operations are valued by only five percent of the population.
7. It is precisely this situation which leads people to describe our politics as empty and bland. Most people also express their annoyance with politics and believe that the purpose of politics is to acquire power and keep it (which is in fact significant for the ones in power). According to the public, politicians are professionally capable but their moral qualities are lacking: they use politics as a tool to obtain privileges and material benefits.
It is therefore not surprising that the public’s reaction to corruption scandals does not have any damaging impact on the corrupted politicians in question; their behavior only confirms expected (and de facto tolerated because it is unavoidable) conduct. The idea that the situation could be improved if people were more politically active seems utterly absurd to our public. How can we emerge from this dead-end street of Bolshevism with resigned elites and a disinterested general public?
8. The volatile voter whose motivation and understanding is very shallow dominates Czech society, just as in other Western democracies. In a situation where there are no fundamental general public debates about key societal problems, electoral results are woven primarily from passing emotions with the aid of political marketing. Simplistically, it is possible to say that the future decision-making power of this country lies in the hands of people who do not show much interest and do not really care. Unless we do something, future electoral results could be almost random and destabilize the country. When I heard the American political sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset say at a conference that we (former Soviet bloc countries) do not stand a chance in catching up with the West even after the fall of the Iron Curtain, I thought that perhaps he was alluding to our lack of public political awareness.
9. The main task we are faced with today is to reform the entire public sphere. In the context of the aforementioned points, this is extraordinarily complicated because it means we need to focus our attention on long-term strategies and reach long-term political consensus in key political areas. To even reform the pension system (by running both the old and new system at the same time) would take up to 15 years. A new system is not foreseeable for at least a few decades. In a situation where political adversaries cannot even have a coffee together, nothing is possible without intensive external pressure.
10. The current political situation is mainly about the art of communication. This is not only related to communication within the political elite, but also in society entire. We now come to the key role of the media. An ordinary citizen does not come into contact with politics personally; one does so through the media. In short, the character of the media also determines the character of politics. On the other hand, politics and media need one another and are intertwined. A politician will not push for new legislation unless it has a media face to it. And he will not be able to do so unless he has media skills and sees the media as a partner rather than a opponent. The media’s ability to communicate with politicians no less exemplifies its responsibility as their critical mirror.
Jan Hartl is a sociologist and director of the STEM agency.